Monthly Archive for December, 2009

Karl Struss, A Tripod in Two Worlds: Part Four—“Sunrise”

ONE

The history of cinema is filled with tales of once prestigious films now relegated to the dustbin of history. Such is the fate of the silent version of Ben Hur from 1926. Others, such as Citizen Kane and Rules of the Game, victims of bad release timing, distribution ineptitude, or censorship, see their status grow through the decades. F. W.Murnau’s Sunrise: A Song of Two Humans is such a film. Ironically, while Ben Hur occupies a full chapter in Brownlow’s The Parade’s Gone By… Sunrise merits less than a full page in his 1968 history of silent film and then only in the context of a chapter on the career of cinematographer Charles Rosher.

sunrise one sheet

Sunrise did not prove to be a popular film at the time of its release. It opened at the end of the silent era when audiences were clamoring for sound. It debuted in larger markets with an effects, music, and a few non-synchronous words, on a  soundtrack in the new Fox Movietone sound-on-film system; since it was filmed as a silent picture it posted inter-titles rather than dialogue. In this sense it is a real anomaly, not quite a silent, not quite a sound film. And the brilliant German director whose American career promised to be boundless on his arrival in Hollywood, did not even live to see his film rehabilitated as one of the great movies of all time; he died at 43, within a few years of its release, in a car accident near Santa Barbara.

Friedrich Wilhelm Murnau (stage name, after the village where the Blue Rider began).

Friedrich Wilhelm Murnau (stage name, after the village where the Blue Rider began).

It is the DVD and home video market that is largely responsible for the revival of interest in this film. Like most badly preserved silent films, it was often judged harshly by later audiences—until digital techniques that could restore contrast and resolution, as well as adjust the projection speed, revealed its once lost photographic subtleties.  Even worse, the original negative was lost in a fire in 1937 in Fox’s New Jersey storage facility; subsequent prints (until one from an alternate European version was found recently in the Czech Republic) were made from a di-acetate print or from a damaged dupe negative. One of the reasons the film may have failed at the time of its release despite critical acclaim is readily apparent to an audience today. It is really a foreign film—a German Expressionist one at that, but made in Hollywood. It represents along with a few German films of the mid-twenties, the apogee of the silent era, films that had all but conquered the apparent limitations of the mute medium. At the end of “The Talking Picture” chapter of Brownlow’s book there is a quote from Mary Pickford about the merits of sound versus silent cinema. She says, “It would have been more logical if silent pictures had grown out of the talkie instead of the other way around.” I also remember cinematographer Vilmos Zsigmond, hardly a man of the silent era, saying in an interview in the film Visions of Light that movies were all downhill after the introduction of sound, a perspective shared by many cinematographers.

In recent years so much has been written about Sunrise that it is more than time for an anthology of critical essays to be published. But the film itself is now readily accessible and it reveals its riches on multiple viewings. We are fortunate to have several versions to choose from. In 2003 Fox Studios released a beautifully restored version for home video without overworking the film by exploiting digital tricks. After the restoration was done, I was asked to provide a commentary track for the DVD. Having loved this film since I was a film student, having met Struss at a museum retrospective, and having collected his still photography, I felt a special connection to him. I initiated what research I could at that time to help me place the film in the context of its era’s aesthetics.

Fox DVD edition with commentary.

Fox DVD edition with commentary.

The only problem with this DVD release was that it was not available for separate purchase, but was gifted by submission of a coupon after purchase of a boxed set of other Fox classics. But, a few years later another edition was released through the British Film Institute, and then last year came a 12 DVD box set from Fox that includes a number of films of Murnau and Borzage:

Slant magazine link

Just recently a Blu-Ray version has also appeared. All of these iterations have included the commentary track, which is a running shot-by-shot discussion, principally of the production design and cinematography.  Some reviewers have found the perspective of a working cinematographer to be interesting; some would have preferred a more historical analysis from the perspective of critical studies— but that semantic thicket is my own personal bête noire.

In June 1926 Murnau arrived in Hollywood at the invitation of William Fox to begin production on a film of his choosing; he was promised full creative control with unlimited resources—and he used them. The resultant film, Sunrise, was from a story by Hermann Sudermann, with a scenario written by Carl Mayer. The art director was Rochus Gliese. Much of the initial pre-production was done in Germany; Gliese even built some of the set miniatures there and had them transported to Hollywood. Sunrise reveals its Germanic roots in every way imaginable. It looks and feels like a German Expressionist film but exploits all the technical resources of a major American studio.

TWO

For the clips that will be referenced here the YouTube version will be helpful as time markers only. The image quality is poor, so please secure one of the DVD versions readily available in order to watch the whole film.

The opening montage section, “Vacation Time,” like all of the even more complex multiple exposure sequences throughout the film, was done in camera on a single strand of film, by masking part of the frame, then rewinding and exposing another section.

Vacation montage.

Vacation montage.

Sunrise was made several years before optical printers were developed; some of the really intricate city montage sequences had well over a dozen separate exposures. It is believed that Struss rather than Rosher executed these scenes as principal cinematographer; this was exactly the kind of technical material that was red meat to him.

The film’s first full scene, about three minutes into the clip, shows a boat arriving at a lakeside dock and the passengers disembarking. The approaching village looks positively Old World, but the entire set was built and shot at Lake Arrowhead in the Southern California mountains. We know that the cinematography of this sequence was the work of Struss alone; Rosher was ill at the time and missed the first week or so of filming. There is a wonderful rising crane shot from on board the boat that reveals the village; it drops again as the boat docks.

Lake Arrowhead, Murnau with megaphone, Struss behind camera at upper right.

Lake Arrowhead, Murnau with megaphone, Struss behind camera at upper right.

Next, there is a cut to an interior scene that introduces the Woman from the City. As she moves about the room where she is staying, we see the sloped floors built with a rake, much like a Broadway stage. This and the forced perspective of her room and the dining room where the older couple is eating soup at a tilted table with a somewhat diagonally hanging lamp, show dramatically the Expressionist art direction that will pervade the interiors of the entire film.

Rochas Gliese’s raked and tilted sets.

Rochas Gliese’s raked and tilted sets.

At about four minutes, forty seconds into this clip the woman exits the house at night. The camera records it in deep focus, from the foreground couple watching, all the way to her at the distant door.

Woman from the City exits the house.

Woman from the City exits the house.

As she crosses the lens the camera pans and tracks with her, swinging around to follow her from behind as she approaches the man’s house and calls out to him. Like the famous scene in the swamp a few minutes later, this shot was likely done with the camera suspended from an overhead track. The man hears her call out and decides to sneak out of the house even as his wife prepares dinner.

O’Brien preparing to sneak out (note raked floor).

O’Brien preparing to sneak out (note raked floor).

As he puts on his jacket and exits frame, we can clearly see the sloped floor and false perspective. After his exit the empty frame holds for a long, almost Antonioni-like moment, until the wife enters.

The next clip contains the most famous scene in the film, the meeting at the swamp between the Woman from the City and the Man.

Overhead tracking shot through the swamp.

Overhead tracking shot through the swamp.

It opens with another overhead tracking shot that sweeps across the marsh, over a fence, pans off the man, and becomes his POV as it clears some bushes to reveal the Woman waiting; a full moon backlights her. We know that Struss operated this shot; his Bell & Howell camera had an electric motor and it freed him from hand-cranking so he could pan and tilt to follow the circuitous walk.

The Woman waits (the man’s POV).

The Woman waits (the man’s POV).

The man then enters his own POV. The couple engages in an intense love scene; the Woman tries to entice the Man to drown his wife and come with him to the city.

The seductive kiss.

The seductive kiss.

drowned title card

There is a rapid montage fantasy of the city, done with highly stylized miniatures and in a dizzying, surreal abstraction. It gives way at 4:00 to a brief multi-exposure scene of frenzied dancing and a jazz band playing, before dissolving back to the swamp:

The dance montage.

The dance montage.

Dance Hall Set on Stage at Fox.

Dance Hall Set on Stage at Fox.

The entire film is filled with many virtuoso shots that can go easily unnoticed, so intense is the unfolding drama. This story of love, adultery, betrayal, expiation, forgiveness and re-found love is so elemental in its raw simplicity that it has invited deep positive reactions as well as scorn from generations of viewers. Seldom has a film narrative been so visually sophisticated and so humanly raw. The art direction and cinematography create a fascinating dialogue between the scenic stylization and the primal emotional performances of George O’Brien and Janet Gaynor.

Four cameras: Murnau at center right, legs crossed, below Rosher's camera, Struss at camera on left.

Four cameras: Murnau at center right, legs crossed, below Rosher's camera, Struss at camera on left.

There are a number of film historians and critics who have written very insightfully about this film. Here are a few links to their essays. The first one, by Roger Ebert, best describes the state of Hollywood movies at the time of Murnau’s arrival. It is also clear just how much Ebert loves the film, a personal revelation, not usually common to critics:

Roger Ebert Sun Times link

This next one is from Edward Lamberti on a London re-release:

Kamera.co.uk link

This next link provides both an historical slant on the film, full of production details, as well as a discussion of the 2003 restoration for DVD in the Fox Studio Classics series. It was written by Mark Bourne.

dvdjournal.com link

And here is a discussion of the Masters of Cinema edition and the recently discovered Czech alternate version that is almost 15 minutes shorter. It includes many comparative frame grabs:

myreviewer.com link

THREE

The next section I’d like to look at begins when the couple is already in the city and they watch a church wedding. The man experiences remorse for his infidelity and murderous thoughts.

Man seeks forgiveness (note Expressionist background set and foreground light pattern).

Man seeks forgiveness (note Expressionist background set and foreground light pattern).

He begs his wife for forgiveness; they exit the church as if their own vows had been renewed at the altar. From behind, we see them walk though the din of traffic; as they walk, the scene dissolves into a sylvan glade, then back to the city as they have stopped traffic with a kiss in the middle of the street; klaxons sound, breaking their reverie. The stopped traffic in front of them is captured either by rear projection (as Nestor Almendros believes):

They were walking on a roller (conveyor belt) and behind them was a projected film which included the dissolve from the city to the country, and back to the city.

Or, it may have been done by another complex matte shot, as we see in a famous photo of grips carrying a black backing in front of Gaynor and O’Brien.

Beginning of walking montage (Struss at left of dolly with notebook).

Beginning of walking montage (Struss at left of dolly with notebook).

After a series of cutaway inserts, we see the couple standing in traffic, but now in a production shot with live background; an angry driver comes into frame to berate them.

Walk in traffic (key light from frame right).

Walk in traffic (key light from frame right).

A few seconds later. (Clear background composite, key light from high left.)

A few seconds later. (Clear background composite, key light from high left.)

There is a clear mismatch in the traffic positions, as well as the angle of the sun, between the production shots and the matte ones. This clip begins with their exit from the church at 2:00 and the camera follows them at 2:30. The camera booms down (or possibly is descending the ramp on the church steps). The in camera dissolve begins at 2:45 and at 3:25 the cutback is to a production shot with the driver coming up to the couple from off frame right as they kiss.

Full production shot (key light (sun) directly  behind lens).

Full production shot (key light (sun) directly behind lens).

It is known that Struss made the camera notes for the footage and frame matching in this scene; in the photo with the grips and the black backing, we see him standing on the church steps next to the camera as it dollies behind the couple.

Struss making notes for multiple exposure setup on church steps, Murnau at his left in cap (detail).

Struss making notes for multiple exposure setup on church steps, Murnau at his left in cap (detail).

FOUR

In June of 2003 American Cinematographer Magazine re-published an analysis of Sunrise that was extracted from a 1984 student seminar conducted by Nestor Almendros, ASC. Writer Rachel Bosley has a sidebar at the end of the article that explains in detail how the 2003 Fox restoration was made; this new video master became the reference for all subsequent issues of the film. Here is the link to the Almendros/Bosley article:

American Cinematographer article

Like Citizen Kane, Murnau’s masterpiece fared poorly at the box office and like the Welles film it became for many years more of an historical citation than a film seen. In many ways, Sunrise anticipated a lot of the production design and cinematography conceits that have become so familiar to us in Citizen Kane. Unlike Gregg Toland who was able to use a high-speed 24mm lens to accomplish his deep focus effects, Struss and Rosher had to content themselves (per Almedros) with a 35mm lens for the wider shots. But it is this lens that captures the illusion of great depth through the planning of Rochus Gliese’s raked and forced perspective sets. Though Gliese was also nominated for an Academy Award, he did not win. My own suspicion is that his work was just too far out of the Hollywood mainstream and too deeply embedded in the dark shadows of Caligari-esque Expressionism for the Oscar to find a home on Rochus’ own raked mantel.

Sunrise is a film easy for cinephiles to appreciate on the level of its technical brilliance. More problematic for many people is its very open display of raw emotion. This mix of sophisticated technique and elemental drama may sit uncomfortably with some contemporary viewers. Scarcely more than a decade separates Citizen Kane from Sunrise; yet it is one that saw a major revolution in filmmaking technology. Some film historians have insisted that silent and sound cinema are almost different mediums. This is not a difficult case to make if you compare the sophistication of late silent German Expressionist films to the first few years of sound films. It can be argued that it was not until Citizen Kane, with its overlapping and rushing dialogue, that sound film truly began to equal the heady freedom that silent cinema had in its visuals.

One of the great unanswered questions in film history is what might have happened to American cinema had Murnau lived and continued working deep into the sound era the way that Ford, Hitchcock, Walsh, Dwan, King, and Wellman did. What if he and Struss had formed a real ongoing relationship? Would purely commercial factors have consigned Murnau to the margins of film production, since his two films after Sunrise also were commercial failures? Or would the old studio system have found a place for such an idiosyncratic artist? Would Struss have had a partner whose visual sophistication and daring rose to the level of his own inherent abilities?  Sadly, we will never know.

Murnau’s last film was a docu/drama called Tabu co-written and produced with Robert Flaherty. It was not meant to be a studio film and its making was not a happy experience for either men, both of whom displayed outsized egos during the filming. The one bright spot is that Floyd Crosby received an Academy Award for his cinematography; it was also a validation of the powerful visual acumen that Murnau exercised in all his work. But he died in that auto crash just a few weeks before the film’s premiere.

A measure of the regard that Murnau had in the international film industry were the filmmakers attending his funeral: Robert Flaherty, Emil Jannings, Greta Garbo, and Fritz Lang were, sadly, among the scant eleven people in attendance. It was Lang who gave the eulogy.

Pallbearers at Murnau’s funeral.

Pallbearers at Murnau’s funeral.

As I’ve done research for this piece on Sunrise I’ve realized how little is widely known about the actual making of the film. Even Lotte Eisner’s book on Murnau is not especially revealing. I would enjoy sharing any new information from a scholar. I also want to say that though my emphasis on Sunrise is focused on the known contributions of Struss, it is not my intention to neglect Charles Rosher’s work. It was Rosher who brought Struss onto the film.

Murnau and Rosher.

Murnau and Rosher.

And as a final word, I would encourage you, even if you feel you know this film, to find one of the restored editions and view it with fresh eyes. It will be a reminder yet again of what a magnificent history we have in silent film, which grew from nickelodeon amusement to high dramatic art in a mere two decades.

Karl Struss, A Tripod in Two Worlds: Part Three—Paramount to 3-D

When Karl Struss became a contract cinematographer for Paramount Studio in 1931, the continued ascending arc of his career seemed all but inevitable. He had become a founding member of the still embryonic Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences and a recent member of the decade old American Society of Cinematographers. Along with Charles Rosher he had won an Oscar for his work on Sunrise: A Song of two Humans for director F. W. Murnau; he had worked on four films with one of the founding fathers of American cinema, D. W. Griffith; and he had become cinematographer to the legendary star Mary Pickford on her first four sound films.

D. W. Griffith (with hat) under camera. Struss behind the lens, same camera “Drums of Love,” 1928.

D. W. Griffith (with hat) under camera. Struss behind the lens, same camera “Drums of Love,” 1928.

One of his early assignments at Paramount was with Rouben Mamoulian on Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde. For this film and for the following year’s The Sign of the Cross, he received two more Oscar nominations. The director of the latter film was C. B. DeMille, his old boss from the Lasky days. DeMille now was firmly ensconced at Paramount (think of the scene from Sunset Boulevard when Gloria Swanson visits him on set), the behemoth studio that had grown out of Lasky. It must have been a comforting thought to him that he had finally settled at a studio that had the box office clout and the technical resources to engage his ever-restless techno-bent mind. Mamoulian was a director who loved to move the camera as much as Murnau did, but Struss was never to work with either man again. As for C. B. DeMille, who did not like to move the camera, and whose visual style had not evolved much beyond his early silent days, Struss worked with him only once more. In short, he did not come through Paramount’s fabled Marathon Gate with any kind of retinue.

Although his fifteen-year stint at “The Mountain” would engage him in 4-7 films a year, few of them were “A” list assignments, especially after the mid-thirties. One of the things that Struss ran up against was a strong seniority system among the roster of established Paramount cinematographers. A list of the major ones included Lee Garmes, Victor Milner, George Folsey, Bert Glennon and Charles B. Lang, all very strong colleagues; most of them also had strong personal connections with name directors. But Struss had a technical bent that went back to his darkroom days as a Clarence White student, and ignoring protocol and status, he readily threw himself into every project.

John and Susan Edwards Harvith, the organizers of the 1976-77 Struss retrospective, spent a month with Struss organizing his photographic work and watching many of his films at the UCLA Film Archives. They write in The Man Behind the Camera, their essay for the New York to Hollywood book, that Struss was not always the best judge of his own photographs, that he often preferred sometimes-routine images that extolled multi-layered darkroom techniques, to stronger images that were printed more simply. It is not a far reach to imagine that even at Paramount, Struss was attracted to movie projects that had considerable technical challenges rather than dramatic or literary gravity, and it seems that many of the other cinematographers were eager to let him take on those films. While Struss produced always sophisticated work even on the most mundane programmers, this was not likely to get him much attention in Oscar circles. In fact, after The Sign of the Cross he received only one more nomination, for Aloma of the South Seas, from 1941, a three-strip Technicolor South Seas sarong epic starring Dorothy Lamour.

Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde was a technical tour de force for Struss. There are spectacular moving camera shots, starting with the opening scene that runs four minutes and which is shot from Jekyll’s POV. The transformation scenes from Jekyll to Hyde and back to Jekyll exploited smart in-camera effects done with filter changes, reversing the filter sequence of the healing of the lepers scene from Ben Hur. The new Kodak higher speed panchromatic stock made these effects even more possible; it was the reason Struss had abandoned his beloved Dupont stock, for which he had done many testimonial ads.

The Oscar nominations he received for Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde and The Sign of the Cross were for very different styles. Changing from the harder edged look of the former film, Struss shot the DeMille biblical epic with red gauze filters throughout. I saw a pristine print of this picture at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art retrospective in February of 1977. Its nostalgic look had a burnished edge in the highlights and evoked the feel of a much earlier silent film, perhaps a glance back to DeMille’s The Ten Commandments from 1917. A review from March 1933 in American Cinematographer Magazine says of The Sign of the Cross:

The climactic sequences played in the dungeons of the arena are exquisite examples of Struss’ powerful cinematography, almost equal in conception to some of the works of a Michelangelo.

Struss’ career took an unexpected and abrupt turn in 1933 when he became embroiled in the incredibly divisive IATSE strike of that summer. Bad feelings over this action lasted for decades and were still debated around the ASC Clubhouse when I became a member in 1984.  When the studios and the IATSE reached an impasse and the existing contract was invalidated by the strike, the American Society of Cinematographers became an alternative bargaining group with the producers and studios. Struss, like many cinematographers, was a member of both the union and the guild; he decided to side with the ASC. Even worse, in terms of his status with the union, he decided, in the midst of the contretemps, to leave Hollywood to make a film in Hawaii with DeMille, Four Frightened People. The February 1934 issue of American Cinematographer magazine reviews Struss’ work:

Even with the advantages of super-sensitive film, fast lenses and the incredibly high-powered lighting installation the company must have enjoyed, it is incredible that even Karl Struss would bring back so successful a picture.

In Hawaii on “Four Frightened People,” 1933. DeMille is between cameras.

In Hawaii on “Four Frightened People,” 1933. DeMille is between cameras.

DeMille was notoriously anti-union as well as politically conservative (see my story in the archived essay “Film Author, Film Author, Part Two” about his dust-up with John Ford over loyalty oaths at the height of the McCarthy era).

“Film Author, Film Author, Part Two” link

According to Richard Koszarski’s essay in “New York to Hollywood,” Struss became persona non grata in union circles and was never again mentioned in the union house publication International Photographer. Koszarski writes, “His banishment seems to have been complete: as late as July, 1992,  [then] Local 659 reported that it could find no information on any Karl Struss.”

While in Hawaii on Four Frightened People Struss, as always, continued his personal photography with a series of studies in nature:

Ookaka, Hawaii, 1933.

Ookaka, Hawaii, 1933.

Ookaka, Hawaii, 1933.

Ookaka, Hawaii, 1933.

“Photographic Modernism and the Cinematographer” is the title of an article that Struss wrote for the November 1934 issue of American Cinematographer. Its revisionist tone must have taken readers by surprise. Struss seemed to recant the stylistic artistry of his Photo-Secessionist photography from New York as well as his high gloss lighting and dynamic camera movement in Sunrise, in favor of a much more constrained style that he deemed more “modern.” He wrote that “the sensational German and Russian films of the early part of the last decade” had had a deleterious effect on still photography and the movies. Surrealist and self-conscious conceits distracted the viewer from the true role of cinematography that must always “remain the vehicle for the story, and, as such, it may never call attention to itself at the expense of either story or players.” This stunning reversal of aesthetic principles was not pulled out of thin air. It became, in fact, almost a dire directive for how Struss would work in the bulk of his Paramount years.

For the remainder of the decade Struss found himself aligned to a number of major Paramount stars rather than to signature directors. Whether this was by design or default is hard to know. He did make a string of pictures that were quite profitable for the studio and which were vehicles for a stable of stars like Mae West, Bing Crosby and Dorothy Lamour. His mediocre work on The Great Dictator in 1940 may have reflected Chaplin’s avowed indifference to artful cinematography as well as his mandate to support the tramp’s habitual but underwhelming cameraman, Rollie Totheroh; but it did not burnish his ability to secure “A” list pictures. Because of his technical bent and expertise, Paramount assigned him to a number of the demanding 3-strip Technicolor musicals; this became a specialty, one in which Struss could indulge his abiding love for visual challenge.

An anomaly of this period was Struss’ assignment to Journey into Fear, directed by Norman Foster, but under the aegis of Orson Welles’ Mercury Theater. Struss’ mandate was to photograph it in the Gregg Toland style of dramatic lighting, long takes and deep focus, and this he did, as always, with great aplomb. But it turned out to be the very last studio dramatic film that Struss would photograph.

Bring on the Girls, a limp film with Veronica Lake, was Struss’ last film for Paramount. It was released in early 1945; Struss’s expired contract was not renewed. Struss now began a period of work on many independent films with very limited budgets.  The first of these, Tarzan and the Leopard Woman, was for RKO whose studio on Gower and Melrose was at the west end of the huge lot shared with Paramount.  This was Struss’ first film with director Kurt Neumann with whom he began a long relationship that lasted for ten pictures. Their budgets and schedules were definitely of the “B” movie ilk. Rocketship X-M, their fourth film, was filmed in eleven days; Suspense, for director Frank Tuttle was done for indie Monogram Pictures and was the closest Struss came to shooting a true film noir. It was also the last time he was featured on the cover of American Cinematographer Magazine.

“Suspense,” 1946. Struss is at the right side of the matte box.

“Suspense,” 1946. Struss is at the right side of the matte box.

Struss’ high point with Neumann (in terms of popular success at least) was with Vincent Price in The Fly, from 1958. The success of this film would have broken Neumann out of bargain basement budgets, but he died one month after its release, only fifty years old.

While he was on location in Death Valley for Rocketship X-M, Struss made many stereo slides. Ever innovative and seeking new photographic possibilities, his fascination with the incipient revival of 3-D brought him to the attention of Italian producers Dino de Laurentiis and Carlo Ponti. He decamped with wife Ethel to Italy to photograph a Kirk Douglas film of Ulysses. He took two special 3-D rigged Mitchell cameras with him but he discovered upon arriving that, through a mix-up, Hal Rosson was set to photograph the film. But Struss stayed in Italy to make at least three 3-D movies, none of which were released in the U.S. Here is a stereo frame from one:

Stereo slide from 1953 Italian film.

Stereo slide from 1953 Italian film.

I have a photo Struss took of Ethel at this time; the camera is pointed down to her lower body, seen through a glass café table, while her face and upper body is reflected in the glass top; it is a faded color print struck from one of two 3-D slides, a very intimate and personal image, but one indicative of his ever restless eye:

Ethel Struss at cafe table, 1953.

Ethel Struss at cafe table, 1953.

Struss spent the last decade of his career, (he retired in 1970) like many of his generation, photographing commercials, industrials and TV series such as My Friend Flicka. (The great Karl Freund had spent his later years shooting I Love Lucy.)  These commercials were perfect jobs for an artist in semi-retirement; they had short schedules and always presented new technical challenges. It also provided Struss time to continue his personal photographic work.

In 1949 the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences produced a series of films meant for the general public, describing the various motion picture crafts. The ASC chose Karl Struss to be the anonymous cinematographer featured in this nine minute short. I saw it fifteen years later in a beginning camera class at USC film school. Neither in the film itself nor in the introduction in the classroom was Struss’ name mentioned: certainly there was no acknowledgement of his Oscar for Sunrise, nor for his role as one of the nation’s pre-eminent art photographers.

When I met Struss at LACMA in January 1977, he was ninety-one. I had seen Sunrise a number of times, usually in battered 16 mm prints. I had a decent knowledge of early 20th century American art photography. But I knew Charles Rosher’s name as a distinguished cinematographer more than Karl Struss’, an artist whose name had been relegated to smaller type and second position in the silent classic’s credits; none of the books on the history of the Photo-Secession that I had seen, had profiled Struss’ work, nor mentioned his name in more than a general index of Camera Works artists.

The traveling retrospective of 1976-77 was the first step toward a revival of awareness of Struss’ contribution to American photography and cinema. The long-term effect of this revival has been somewhat stutter-stop. As I have seen more of his still and film work, it is a mystery to me why he has remained a name that many film students and filmmakers know only vaguely. There is, in fact, no other American cinematographer whose breadth of work and artistry has been as far-reaching in its variety and career length. An IMDB search lists over 160 feature credits. Perhaps this is part of the problem. Many cinematographers are associated with a personal “style.” It becomes, perhaps, a defining indicator, a kind of shorthand, that is used when trying to discuss individual work.  Karl Struss spent his entire career pushing against this kind of associative marker. He photographed feature films in all genres, in many styles, and with an amazingly broad spectrum of directors. This is what he aspired to and what he described in his 1934 American Cinematographer article on the “modern” cinematographer. To delimit him as merely another contract cameraman or a journeyman-like craftsman who shared his Oscar with a legendary peer, especially when he is compared to the acknowledged “masters of light” such as Toland, Wong Howe, Miller, Folsey, or Shamroy is to miss the essence of what he was from his earliest student days.

Some artists pride themselves not so much on a signature style but in an ability to be versatile in responding to the unique challenges and opportunities of every work they do. The degree to which time has not elevated Karl Struss into the forefront of American visual artists is the degree to which we  too often look for easy categories. Maybe it’s time for a re-consideration of his work beyond Sunrise.

Karl Struss at time of 1976-77 retrospective.

Karl Struss at time of 1976-77 retrospective.

The fourth part of this essay will go back to 1927 to the making of Sunrise, a film so singular in American cinema, that it has no antecedent and certainly no sequel. It is at this high point, in the  final part of this essay that I will leave Karl Struss.

(I’d like to acknowledge the meticulous work in interviewing Struss that was done by the late curator at the Amon Carter Museum, Barbara McCandless, by Richard and Diane Koszarski, who interviewed Struss in August 1976, and by John and Susan Edwards Harvith who organized the 1976-1977 retrospective and spent weeks with Ethel and Karl Struss in preparing the catalog for the traveling show. Their work has been an invaluable resource for me.)

Karl Struss, A Tripod in Two Worlds: Part Two—Early Hollywood Years

Karl Struss’ studio apartment at 6602 Yucca Avenue in the heart of Hollywood was just a short uphill walk from the Lasky-Famous Players Studio at the corner of Vine and Selma. Everything about this movie boomtown rising out of the surrounding desert hills looked fresh to the 33 year-old photographer: the open spaces, the intense sunlight, the palm trees. Nothing here reminded him of the New York cityscape that had been the subject of his exploring camera lens during the past decade. But the maze of Manhattan was a world to which he was determined not to return. He wrote to his mother, “The future is very bright and I know I’ll love the place… . Everything is also new and clean, and one doesn’t meet the crowds or poverty that abounds in the Eastern cities.”

Struss had no immediate contacts in Hollywood upon his arrival in early February 1919, but the portfolios of his New York photographs, especially the commercial work sent to him by his mother, was a viable calling card when he began to make the rounds of the studios seeking employment.

New York Public Library, 1912.

New York Public Library, 1912.

Man’s Construction at Docks, 1909.

Man’s Construction at Docks, 1909.

Struss knew that much of the publicity photography being done for movies was inferior to the tightly composed, well-lit and richly printed images he had created back in Manhattan. His own interest in the movies reached back to some of his fledgling work there, as well as to his encounter with cinematographer Charles Rosher in Bermuda five years previous. He was not a complete stranger to this new world of image making.

The April 1919 issue of Photoplay magazine featured an article by Anthony E. Anderson, a Los Angeles Times critic, titled “The Next Genius—A Cameraman.” In it he praised the preeminence of purely visual elements such as composition and lighting over plot and performance. In an era where scenario “writing” was limited mainly to inter-titles, and most of those were of a mundane nature, it is little wonder that large numbers of critics saw the future of the medium to be in an increasingly sophisticated use of images in photography and editing. In the next few years the influences of art direction and cinematography coming from German Expressionist cinema, and the montage techniques of Soviet filmmakers such as Eisenstein, would help move Hollywood pictures from melodrama and slapstick two-reelers onto the world stage of sophisticated visual narrative. Struss’ arrival in Hollywood could not have been timelier. In the “Karl Struss Remembers” section of the catalog of his 1976-77 touring retrospective, Susan and John Harvith quote Struss:

…I went to Hollywood because I wanted to get into the picture business. I’d seen plenty of pictures and that’s what I wanted to do. [Struss said that he had seen Hollywood movies on a daily basis while at Fort Leavenworth during the war]. Why? Because the majority of what we then called cameramen were not photographers. They knew nothing of lighting… . It was all guesswork.

Catalog of 1976-77 Photo and Film Retrospective.

Catalog of 1976-77 Photo and Film Retrospective.

Struss met an assistant director named Horwitz who was a fan of art photography. Struss showed him his New York photos as well as some portraits:

He went nuts over them. And he immediately thought, here’s DeMille, he needs a still man to take the burden off [cinematographer] Alvin Wyckoff, who had enough to do lighting the sets, photographing them, seeing to the operations of three different cameras, and running the lab. Then he took me to the studio manager who talked to DeMille about it and he said OK.

On March 17, Struss went to work at Lasky Studios for DeMille. C.B. was one of the first producers to understand that publicity and still photographs were as important to selling the film as the film itself, and he immediately knew that Struss’ artistry was way beyond what others could provide. One of the first photos Struss made was of DeMille in his office:

DeMille in His Office at Lasky Studios, 1919.

DeMille in His Office at Lasky Studios, 1919.

So desirous of bringing Struss on board, DeMille must have yielded up to him magazine rights; Struss sent staged portraits of the stars he photographed back home for East Coast publication. This became an added source of income for him. But he was careful not to reveal to East Coast publishers that he was actually under contract to a Hollywood studio. He worried that his photos could be seen as no more than promotion, thereby compromising their sale price.  His set and production stills, of course, remained within the purview of the studio.

Gloria Swanson, Production Still from Male and Female, 1919.

Gloria Swanson, Production Still from “Male and Female,” 1919.

Wyckoff took Struss under his wing and in a short time Struss was operating third camera for him, then second camera, and eventually sharing screen credit with his mentor. There were no barriers at the time to rapid advancement and it was clear that Struss’ artistic abilities, as well as his practical skills at invention and gadget-tering, was of a high order. Filming with multiple cameras was standard at the time; often a separate negative had to be made for foreign distribution. But director DeMille called for three or more cameras at the same time; he preferred to shoot as many coverage angles as possible for continuity and speed. Two of the major stars of the studio were Bebe Daniels and Gloria Swanson. Struss did photo sittings of both that received great acclaim.

Bebe Daniels, Production Still from “Male and Female.”

Bebe Daniels, Production Still from “Male and Female.”

Gloria Swanson with Ball—III, 1919.

Gloria Swanson with Ball—III, 1919.

Once he had become a noted cinematographer a decade later, Struss’ reputation as a specialist in lighting women stars landed him multiple picture contracts with Mae West, Dorothy Lamour, Miriam Hopkins, Claudette Colbert, even Mary Pickford, who had had a long-standing relationship with Rosher until her first sound film, Coquette.

Many of DeMille’s early films photographed by Wyckoff used a follow-spot technique that singled out the star as she moved around the set but which gave little attention to the reality of source light. It was called “Lasky Lighting” and it was not considered to have the cachet it aspired to—“Rembrandt-esque.” I saw this technique recently in a MOMA screening of DeMille’s The Cheat and it is indeed pretty erratic looking. When DeMille decided to remake his own film The Golden Chalice as Forbidden Fruit, Struss’ artistic vision became clear. Struss continued to advance in his technical and lighting skills at Lasky but in the summer of 1921, the bottom fell out of the Hollywood box office due to an economic slump. Struss took a cut in pay with the understanding that he would continue to be employed; despite this, he was let go a few months later.

On Valentine Day, 1920 Struss met Ethel Wall at a gathering of fellow Pictorialist photographers. She had been working in the studio of a photographer who owned a Struss Pictorial Lens. She had resolved to meet Struss and to get his advice on how to better use the lens. They spent the evening together, surely taking about more than optics because eleven months later they were married. She began to work with him, assisting him evenings in the studio darkroom, acting as a sometimes model for his personal work, and becoming a partner in the photo trips they made into the countryside.

Karl and Ethel, photo by Edward Weston, 1923.

Karl and Ethel, photo by Edward Weston, 1923.

Struss now found himself in a highly competitive market where many of the best movies were being made by directors who had ongoing relationships with more established cinematographers such as Charles Rosher, Joe Ruttenberg, Hal Rosson, Billy Blitzer, even Wyckoff. But Struss did land a job with director Marshall Neilan who introduced him to B.P. Schulberg at Preferred Pictures. It was here, where he was at last on his own and not sharing assignments, that his technical skills became evident—even on the quick, low budget fare that Preferred produced. This ability to make the most of little was a skill that Struss drew upon his entire career and which became his mainstay at Paramount decades after Sunrise, when he was assigned many “programmers” rather than the sought-after “A” pictures.

It was now that Struss invested in his own camera, a motor-driven Bell & Howell that he purchased for $4500, a princely sum. He had a plate affixed to the camera door with the stylized initials “KS” set inside a square logo. Shortly afterwards, the photographer Edward Weston, who had a studio in Tropico, between Los Feliz and Glendale, made a series of portraits of Struss standing next to the camera. One of these is the cover of Karl Struss: Man with a Camera. I made a photograph of the poster of this traveling exhibition with the glass frame reflecting myself just below Struss’ head, a marker of the high regard I have for Struss, my own reflection in appropriately diminished proportion.

Edward Weston photo of Struss, 1923. (Bailey barely refected in glass, 2009.)

Edward Weston photo of Struss, 1923. (Bailey barely refected in glass, 2009.)

I have a signed, variant photo from this series, a profile angle that frames Struss with the noisy Cooper-Hewitt tube lights that so fascinated Weston. At the time, Weston secured commissions for studio portraits of the wealthy and of celebrities, and he was still working in the Pictorialist tradition. It was only a year later with his trip to Mexico that he fully embraced “straight photography.” This session with Struss is well within the style that Struss also embraced. Struss recalls Weston’s visit to Preferred Studios:

We worked together as judges several times at the Los Angeles Camera Pictorialists’ big international salons. He was very fine, very friendly, and I admired his work. I suppose he wanted to photograph me because he had seen [my] transition from pictorial photography to the movies. Nobody from the pictorial crowd had ever done that—I was the first.

Struss continued to use his B&H camera until sound came in and he went over to Paramount in 1931. But he was ever mindful of controlling his compositions (one of his New York work’s signatures was over-all composition, tightly compressed to the edge of the frame, often incorporating dynamic framing of foreground elements.) To preserve the same integrity as his still photo framing when he transitioned to the movies, he had a metal matte cut to insert into the gate of his camera. He was not about to allow a projectionist to tinker with his compositions.

Struss never abandoned his love of still photography and he continued it throughout his Hollywood years. He took his cameras on location and he was always on the lookout for photographic opportunities during his rare free time.  He took stills on the set of Sunrise for production promotion and for himself. And during this time, he continued to exhibit in Pictorialist exhibitions. A small portfolio of his California work is included in the photo section of the 1930 American Cinematographer’s Annual.

Ethel and Barbara on the Pier, Lake Tahoe, 1930.

Ethel and Barbara on the Pier, Lake Tahoe, 1930.

Sails, En Route to Catalina, 1929.

Sails, En Route to Catalina, 1929.

Struss’ cinematic star was very much on the rise. He was called to MGM in 1924 by Irving Thalberg to interview for Ben Hur but he did not get the assignment. The picture began filming in Italy, quickly got into trouble and experienced severe cost over-runs, constant strikes and fights between fascists and anti-fascists with Mussolini acting as spoiler. The problems warranted the new studio head L.B. Mayer’s going to Rome. Mayer sent for Struss and director Christy Cabanne. Once there, they were told that the current director, Fred Niblo, was staying on and the French cinematographer, René Guissart, was taking over as principal cinematographer. Cabanne and Struss remained in Rome for extra camera and 2nd unit work. But eventually the picture was shut down in January, 1925 and was returned to Hollywood. Struss photographed many sequences that were to be re-shot, including that of the healing of the lepers. This sequence utilized an in-camera effect that Struss devised; he used green make-up on the actors, filming the scene with a red filter in the camera matte box, causing the skin to photograph black. He then slowly slid a green filter of the same density across the lens, replacing the red one as the camera continued to roll; it made the make-up photograph pale, as if the lepers were miraculously cleansed. Struss reversed this effect years later for the transformation of Frederick March from Dr. Jekyll to Mr. Hyde in the 1931 Rouben Mamoulian film. All the knowledge of filters and mattes that Struss had acquired in his New York days served him to great advantage in Hollywood.

Struss bridled at his second-place credit on Ben Hur. He said he had shot at least 50% of the finished film; Guissart got top billing only because he had a first place clause in his contract that Struss did not know about (Struss was soon to have a similar complaint about his smaller font credit in Sunrise).  Struss photographed many of the two-color Technicolor sequences for the film.

But who can ever know the truth about Ben-Hur, one of the most labor-intensive and expensive movies in the history of cinema? IMDB credits five directors alone; for the second filming of the chariot race (in which Struss was not involved), at what is now the corner of La Cienega and Venice Blvds., 62 assistant directors were hired, one of whom was William Wyler, who directed the 1959 Ben Hur re-make. A mind-boggling and hilariously fascinating detailing of the scale of the film is at this site:

IMDB trivia link

It also constitutes a lengthy chapter in Kevin Brownlow’s seminal book from 1968 on the history of silent cinema as told by its witnesses, The Parade’s Gone By…

Charles Rosher called upon Struss to work with him on the Mary Pickford film Sparrows; Struss happily shared credit. Rosher absented himself part of the time as he was also preparing to shoot Sunrise for German director F. W. Murnau who was to make his American debut with this groundbreaking film. Rosher had met Murnau in Germany two years previously; he had offered Murnau and cinematographer Carl Hoffman technical advice on the Hollywood “look” during the filming of Faust.

(The story of Sunrise and the collaboration of Rosher and Struss will be the fourth and last part of this essay.)

After Sunrise, Struss went to United Artists for three years, a period where he worked on some of the most prestigious films of his career. D. W. Griffith had returned to Hollywood after an eight-year hiatus in New York; he asked Struss to photograph Drums of Love along with Billy Bitzer. Struss shared credit with Bitzer on three of the four Griffith films he did, though it is believed Bitzer’s contribution diminished with each one. And Struss’ lighting and camera style is evident in each film. On Abraham Lincoln, Griffith’s first sound film, Struss receives sole credit. Bitzer’s own autobiography, “Billy Bitzer: His Story” makes no mention of the late Griffith films and fades into a twilight reverie of the heady early years. There is a photograph, however, of Bitzer and his wife, Ethel, (same name as Struss’s wife) attending the premiere of Lady of the Pavements in 1929.

Bitzer and Ethel at premiere of “Lady of the Pavements,” 1929.

Bitzer and Ethel at premiere of “Lady of the Pavements,” 1929.

Lady of the Pavements was Struss’ last silent picture and it incorporates some of his most glamorous lighting effects. The two women stars, Jetta Goudal and Lupe Velez, are luminous. It was for the latter actress that he developed the “Lupe Light,” a soft-frost bulb in a reflector on a movable arm, positioned below camera. It provided a shadow-less fill and eye-light a decade before Lucien Ballard’s “Obie Light.”

Mary Pickford was always much involved in the pre-production elements of her movies. Coquette, her first sound film, presented new challenges because of the space requirements of the sound department. When Charles Rosher saw how his lighting space was going to be severely restricted, even compromised, he said he could not photograph Pickford as he needed to. She wouldn’t accept this, terminated their long-standing alliance—and asked Struss, who had been on Sparrows, to take over. I can find no record of how this came down, and what effect it had on the Rosher/Struss relationship that had begun over fifteen years earlier in Bermuda. This is what Rosher told Brownlow: “I expressed myself freely, and as a result my career with Pickford came to an end… . I took no part in the production.” He does not mention Karl Struss.

Charles Rosher and Mary Pickford.

Charles Rosher and Mary Pickford.

Since his earliest days in Hollywood, Struss had a reputation for technical innovation and flexibility; after Sunrise he must have felt his time had finally arrived. Technical flexibility was a quality demanded for Coquette. Struss used up to four cameras, much in the style of the DeMille days with Wyckoff a decade earlier. Pickford received a Best Actress Oscar for her performance in this film. Struss’ relationship with Pickford must have been mutually rewarding since he photographed three of her sound films. His next few assignments presented better opportunities for him to find ways to free the camera from the constricting “iceboxes” they had been relegated to the first few years of sound. Struss also developed a rolling tripod to help move around the cumbersome new blimped cameras. Even though the caption indicates it, I am not at all convinced Struss had developed this compact blimp and tripod in time for Coquette:

(Note the misspelling of Mary Pickford in the caption above.)

(Note the misspelling of Mary Pickford in the caption above.)

On several United Artists films, Struss worked with the great art director William Cameron Menzies, whose own sense of stylized sets was compatible with the deliberate aesthetics of Struss. Their relationship came to an end, however, once United Artists failed. Struss left for what would become a fifteen-year stay at Paramount. It started with Skippy for director Norman Taurog, for which screenwriter Joe Mankiewicz received his first Oscar nomination (Mankiewicz is the subject of an earlier two-part essay on this blog.)

“Film Author, Film Author” Part One

A few films later, Struss himself was nominated for an Oscar a second time, for Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, as well as the following year for The Sign of the Cross, directed by his old boss from the Lasky days, C.B. DeMille. The future looked bright for Struss at Paramount, just as it had back in 1919 when he headed out to California after the dim days at Fort Leavenworth. But his tenure at Paramount would, at times, come to resemble the prison term he barely had avoided in Kansas.

Karl Struss, A Tripod in Two Worlds: Part One—New York

Karl Struss, 1912 by Clarence White. Amon Carter Museum

Karl Struss, 1912 by Clarence White. Amon Carter Museum

It was a short end of 35 mm motion picture film that brought the two men together in Bermuda in early 1914. Fifteen years later, they shared the first Academy Award for cinematography for their work on German director F. W. Murnau’s American film debut, Sunrise: A Song of Two Humans. Cinematographers Karl Struss and Charles Rosher both began their careers as still photographers from very different backgrounds, but found a close collaboration on the movie that became the defining work of their lives.

Rosher was already a well-established Hollywood cinematographer with over 50 credits, beginning with a docudrama from 1912 called Life of Villa, produced by D.W. Griffith and Pancho Villa, and starring the Mexican revolutionary. During the filming in Ojinaga, Mexico, Rosher was captured by government forces; he feared summary execution as a spy, but the Mexican general, Mercado, spotted a Masonic pin on Rosher’s jacket and gave him the secret greeting. His Masonic brother treated him well; Rosher was later released after the American government made a deal to allow the Mexican Army entry into U.S. territory to outflank and attack Villa’s forces from the rear.

The English-born Rosher had come to Hollywood the year before the Villa film with David Horsely, who had started a small studio at the corner of Sunset and Gower. Rosher became the first professional cinematographer in Hollywood  several years before Billy Bitzer and D.W. Griffith came out from the east coast. Rosher was a founding member in January, 1919 of the American Society of Cinematographers and he served as its first vice-president. Eleven years later, it was Rosher who sponsored Struss’ nomination into the same organization, weeks after their Oscars for the cinematography of Sunrise. Rosher spent the last dozen years of his career at M-G-M, mainly photographing musicals such as Kiss Me Kate and Annie Get Your Gun. I never met Rosher but I did work as camera operator for his son, Charles Rosher, Jr. in the mid-seventies on several films for the Robert Altman Company, Lion’s Gate.

Karl Struss was American-born of strong German lineage, in 1886. (This heritage was to cause major difficulties for him when the U.S. entered WWI in April of 1917). Struss was the youngest of six children and, it was said, the most curious; while on summer vacation on Long Island in 1896, ten-year-old Karl watched his brother William taking photographs with his new Pony Premo camera. Back in the city for the fall, the two boys experimented in the darkroom with the negatives. Karl developed an immediate fascination with printing and the technical aspects of photography even though it was not until five years later that he began to take his own photos. From that point on his future course was set.

Mother Struss Reflected in Mirror over Fireplace, 1910. Amon Carter Museum

Mother Struss Reflected in Mirror over Fireplace, 1910. Amon Carter Museum

During his junior year in 1903 at De Witt Clinton High School in Manhattan, Karl developed a bad case of pneumonia and was out of school for three months. This childhood illness may be one reason why the mature Struss became a strong health advocate. He maintained a strict diet his entire adult life and played golf and tennis. He had to give up tennis at age eighty-eight when his ankles could no longer bear his weight. I met him at age ninety-one after his recovery from spinal meningitis. Frail, but tall and ramrod straight in bearing, he was still a commanding presence.

After his recovery from illness, his father, Henry, did not return Karl to school but set him to work in the family factory, Seybel & Struss, manufacturers of thread-wrapped bonnet wire. After embarking on studies as a photography student and then employment as a commercial photographer, Struss could not casually escape the family business. Even after he was invited by Alfred Stieglitz to exhibit his work at the 1910 “International Exhibition of Pictorial Photography” at the Albright Art Gallery in Buffalo, his father insisted he continue to work at the factory. Twelve of Struss’ gum and multiple platinum prints were chosen for this exhibition, more than any of the better-known members of the Photo-Secession group.

Albright Art Gallery, Buffalo, new York, 1910. Amon Carter Museum

Albright Art Gallery, Buffalo, new York, 1910. Amon Carter Museum

Whether or not resentment at such attention being given to an unknown artist may have contributed to Struss’ later troubles with his  Pictorial Photography colleagues, is still open to speculation. In any case, Alfred Stieglitz became a powerful ally of the emerging artist. Stieglitz’ 291 Gallery was located just across the street from Clarence White’s Studio at 5 W. 31st Street. Struss had taken night courses with White for four years at the Teachers College of Columbia University and had become extremely proficient in darkroom techniques and exotic printmaking, this at a time when photography was aspiring to attain the status of painting. It was likely that White (a member of the Photo-Secessionists) introduced Stieglitz to Struss; the younger man had already been a frequent visitor to the 291 Gallery.

Struss recalled Stieglitz’ reaction to the darkroom-intensive platinum prints that Struss showed him. Among his many experiments, Struss had coated both sides of the print paper with platinum emulsion and printed them in perfect registration; he continued this process up to thirteen times, finally producing a print of deep, rich blacks. When Stieglitz touched a wet finger to the emulsion edge to test it, he told Struss he had never seen anything like it. Stieglitz soon chose a half dozen of Struss’ images for printing in the April 1912 issue of the Photo-Secession publication, Camera Work. Struss was also invited by Stieglitz to become a member of the Photo-Secession, the last artist to join New York photography’s prestigious inner circle.

Brooklyn Bridge, Nocturne, 1912. Amon Carter Museum

Brooklyn Bridge, Nocturne, 1912. Amon Carter Museum

Housetops, Winter, 1915.

Housetops, Winter, 1915.

About a year later, Struss’ photographs were being printed not only in photography magazines, but in other publications such as the Edison Monthly, which included a portfolio of his Manhattan and Brooklyn views. He sold some of his earlier Lumière autochromes to the Evening Post for use as covers for their Saturday Magazine. These color autochromes were glass transparencies and, like daguerrotypes, could not be printed. Struss had been producing this color work since his days as a Clarence White student; the subtlety and richness of the color in an otherwise fragile medium was a testament to Struss’ ever-increasing technical expertise.

Tennis Match, Hamilton, Bermuda, 1913. Amon Carter Museum

Tennis Match, Hamilton, Bermuda, 1913. Amon Carter Museum

Always seeking new ways to express himself, Struss became one of the founders of Platinum Print, a new photo magazine whose first issue in October 1913 included articles by Struss on multiple platinum printing, by Alvin Langdon Coburn on photogravures, and by Paul Anderson on representing motion in stills photography. The second issue in December featured a large pullout photogravure, much like the ones from Camera Works, which showed a night shot of Columbia University. It was becoming clear that even though Struss was still nominally under the employ of his father, he was now becoming very much an independent artist, no longer concerned with his father’s desire for him to continue in the reliable family business.

In November 1913 Struss took a vacation to Bermuda where he made many photographs. He had been doing personal photographs during his travels since his earliest student days when he sailed to Europe with his sisters. Any portfolio of his work from 1909 until 1916 alternates Old World scenic and pastoral vistas with the harder-edged urban lines of New York City, especially its long, ominous night shadows and brilliant source lights.

Brooklyn Bridge from Ferry Slip, Night, 1915.

Brooklyn Bridge from Ferry Slip, Night, 1915.

Storm Clouds.

Storm Clouds.

Returning from Bermuda, Struss became involved with his teacher Clarence White’s opening of another show, this one being at the Ehrlich Galleries. Unlike the earlier Buffalo show, this one included work by European masters such as Evans, DeMachy and Annan, as well as the Americans White, Coburn, and Käsebier. At the same time, the third issue of Platinum Print appeared with Struss as the newly announced associate editor.

Struss returned to Bermuda to accept a job with the Bermuda Trade Development Board to make photographs for a tourists’ guidebook called Bermuda: Nature’s Fairyland. This is not as out of character as it may seem. For several years Struss had been working assiduously to promote himself as a commercial as well as an art photographer; his personal goal was to demonstrate that the two kinds of work were not incompatible. He took a new kind of camera with him on this second Bermuda trip. Previously, his work had been done mostly in larger formats: a 4×5 camera for making contact platinum prints, and a 3×4 for making enlargement prints. The new “multiple tourist camera” which he decided to use in Bermuda employed 50 ft. rolls of 35mm motion picture film, allowing about 750 exposures per load. Overshooting like crazy because it was so easy (think digital photography today), he used up the entire roll within the first week; it would take more than a week to get more film from New York.

Bermuda Guidebook, 1914.

Bermuda Guidebook, 1914.

The alternatives were to get larger, cumbersome view cameras, slowing down his mobility around the island, or to find motion picture film locally. He heard that there was a company filming on the south shore. It was there that he met the company’s cinematographer, Charles Rosher, who was photographing a film called The Mystery of the Poison Pool. Rosher generously gave him some short ends to continue his commercial assignment. It was not until twelve years later that Rosher actually worked with Struss— on Sparrows, a film starring Mary Pickford. Rosher was “Pickford’s cameraman.” They had done many films together going back to Johanna Enlists in 1918, a film directed by William Desmond Taylor, whose 1922 murder brought down many Hollywood careers and which remains unsolved today. Though Rosher had a strong history with Pickford, it was Struss she chose to photograph her first sound film, Coquette, in 1929.

In the summer of 1914 the threat of war was everywhere as the old regimes of Europe’s decaying and inbred aristocracy chose up sides in a fratricidal, internecine feud that soon would claim millions of lives. In June, Struss announced he was taking over Clarence White’s old studio when his teacher moved into a larger facility. Struss planned to have a working space, darkroom facilities and an outlet for several of his inventions, foremost of which was the single-element portrait lens that he called the Struss Pictorial Lens. He had adapted it from a projection lens and, much like a pinhole camera, it rendered extreme depth-of-field but not much resolution or sharpness. For Struss, this made it a perfect choice for portrait photography as it smoothed out many facial and skin imperfections esp. with the existing orthochromatic film. This overall softness was much in keeping with Struss’ preference at the time for softer “pictorial” photography, even long after the harder, cleaner edge of modernism had become the new aesthetic. Paul Strand and Edward Weston, who came late to the pictorial style, embraced the new technique; it gained greater prominence after WWI with the founding of the Bauhaus in Weimar in 1920.

When war was declared in August of 1914, imports from Germany dried up almost immediately. Photographic paper, lenses, cameras, were all in short supply. Rodinal, the preferred  German developer for most photographers, also became unavailable; Struss and his partner, the chemical whiz Paul Anderson, created a substitute film developer they called Kalogen. They hoped that this, along with sales of the Struss Pictorial Lens would provide steady income to sustain their new studio. One such lens was sold to cinematographer John Leezer who used it to great effect on several Hollywood films.  This was Struss’ only connection to Hollywood during this time though he did continue to be fascinated with motion pictures and even made short films of dancer Adolph Bolm and Vaslav Nijinsky.

Struss continued his work on Platinum Print magazine and this along with the magazines’ allied exhibition schedule, started to make Struss’ name well known out on the West Coast. In 1915-1917, he exhibited in twenty-three shows across the country. Struss, White and Dickson founded a new organization called the Pictorial Photographers of America. But even then, things were changing for photography in New York. The pragmatic needs of supporting the Triple Entente allies in the war, had turned many of America’s photographers from art to propaganda. Though still nominally neutral, anti-German sentiment was getting ever stronger, and Struss’ opposition to the war and his oft-times declaration of sympathy for Germany, began to turn things against him. The German-American immigrant community in the U.S. was by far the largest and the confusion and even ambivalence of many loyal Americans of German heritage was becoming a source of concern to the government and to many ultra-nationalist citizens.

The Photo-Secession effectively had ceased to exist as Camera Works magazine ended publication and Stieglitz stopped showing photography at Gallery 291; Stieglitz was now wholly enamored of modern art and would soon meet and become even more enamored—of Georgia O’Keffee. Moreover, it was becoming increasingly clear that photography’s coming mission would be in support of the war. Photographers and their equipment were being actively sought, as there was a severe shortage in equipment that came with the halt of German camera imports. The U.S. entered the war in April of 1917 and Selective Service became law on May 18. Struss registered promptly on June 5; he asked Paul Anderson to take over the business on W 31st Street. Once Struss found out that he would be more likely to find service for his photographic skills by enlisting rather than waiting for the draft, he did so on September 7 and reported for basic training at Camp Vail, New Jersey. Within a month he reported to Langley Field, Virginia, to the School of Aerial Photography. After graduation, the now Sgt. Struss was due to begin teaching at the School of Military Aeronautics in Ithaca, New York, at Cornell University. At each step of the way, Struss brought along and used his own camera equipment.

Within weeks trouble began. Struss’ past statements in sympathy of Germany, and his questioning the necessity of the war itself, began to be a problem for him. One after another, former friends, students and teachers were questioned by Military Intelligence concerning Struss’ loyalty. An acquaintance, David Jones, sent a letter to the Department of Justice saying that, “Carl [sic] Struss, an expert photographer whose place of business is at 5 West 31st Street, is a decidedly pro-German fellow, who is said to have recently joined the U.S. Aviation Corps and in that capacity might be in a position to do a great deal of harm.”

This was just the beginning of testimonies by professional colleagues and personal friends who in the next few months would portray Struss as a man of questionable loyalty. There was never any evidence presented beyond Struss’ sometimes ill-advised opinions. It almost seemed as if there were a cabal of former friends, including most painfully of all, his teacher Clarence White, who piled onto this dung pile of character assassination for reasons even now not easy to ascertain.  This sordid episode is covered in considerable detail in the late scholar Barbara McCandless’ moving essay called “A Commitment to Beauty” in the book:  “New York to Hollywood: The Photography of Karl Struss.”

Amazon.com link—New York to Hollywood: The Photography of Karl Struss

Catalog of Amon Carter Struss Collection.

Catalog of the Struss exhibition at the Amon Carter Museum.

On December 20, 1917, Secretary of War, Chief of Staff General Tasker Bliss, relieved Karl Struss of his duties. He was demoted to Private and transferred to Fort Leavenworth, Kansas to the United States Disciplinary Barracks Guards. He was not made a prisoner, but was assigned to guard duty. There was initially a flurry of letters and communications to politicians to intervene and there were declarations of injustice and violation of rights. But Struss demurred and decided to accept his fate. He tried to initiate a film production program at the prison and improve the darkroom facilities. He became the official photographer of new prisoners as a documentary exercise, much as the encyclopedic August Sander was doing in Weimar, Germany—but Struss did not employ his flattering Struss Pictorial Lens.

Paul Anderson was forced to close the studio and sell off the equipment. Struss had become persona non grata in New York photography circles. Clarence White, Francis Bruguière and even critic Sadakichi Hartmann were continuing to defame him. Struss became overtly philosophical about his situation. He said, “ What we consider fundamental American principles, are suspended for the period of the emergency and this applies to everything and everybody. One’s opinions must be nil or minus on all subjects…” What Struss may have felt in his own heart is not known, as he never spoke of it willingly, even in later years. He often referred, instead, to the “secret government work” he was doing at Fort Leavenworth in the area of infrared photography.

Even after the armistice was declared on November 11, 1918, a government review failed to exonerate Struss. And on January 15, 1919 the Acting Director of Military Intelligence Office suggested that, “in light of the demobilization, the easiest course would be to discharge him.” So it was that on February 15, Struss was given an honorable discharge. With little desire to return home to New York to confront those who had betrayed him, or to pick up the shards of his photography career, or even to see his family where relations, especially with his father, were strained, Karl Struss boarded a train headed west, made a stopover at the Grand Canyon to make some of his first photographs as a free man, then continued on to Los Angeles, where he hoped a new career and a new life awaited him.

(A look at Struss’ Hollywood years as a set photographer and a tyro feature cinematographer will constitute part two)

Happy Birthday, Mr. Carter: Centennial Plus One

01_Carter100_hi-res_logo

In one of those “truth is stranger than fiction” facts, he was born on the same day, same year, as the great Portuguese film director Manouel de Oliveira—on December 11, 1908. Not only are they both alive, they are both still working. Tempting as it is to write about Oliveira, it is the redoubtable American composer Elliott Carter that I want to focus on: this December 11th. the classical music world will celebrate his 101st birthday.

Within a few weeks of his birth (for those of us who chart years by film references) Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid were gunned down in Bolivia and the last Chinese emperor Pu Yi ascended the throne at age two. In the industrial world, Henry Ford rolled out the first Model T; and in Carter’s own chosen profession of music, both Mahler’s Seventh and Rachmaninoff’s Second Symphony were premiered. It was the height of Edwardian England and the First World War was still six years in the future.

Elliott Carter at seven

Elliott Carter at seven

Carter attended the American premiere of Igor Stravinsky’s Rite of Spring at Carnegie Hall in 1924; it was conducted by Pierre Monteux, who had also led the notorious Parisian premiere a decade before. And in another of those fortuitous congruencies, Carter heard the Rite again, the evening of his 100th birthday, again in Carnegie Hall, conducted by his friend and musical champion James Levine.

Igor Stravinsky and Carter

Igor Stravinsky and Carter

Here is the opening section of Stravinsky’s Rite in a dazzling performance by the LA Phil under Esa-Pekka Salonen, at the inaugural, October 2003, concert of Disney Hall. The camera work picks out each soloist’s turn as the melodic lines weave around and through each other. Imagine the effect of this “swimming sound” on the ears of a 16 year-old boy whom nature seems to have destined for this moment.

Carter’s family was well off enough that shortly after the end of WWI the boy visited the French battlefields with his father. This was the start of his life-long Francophilia. Back in the USA, he was befriended by eccentric amateur composer Charles Ives, who headed a respected insurance agency, Ives and Myrick. He sold the Carters lots of insurance.

Charles Ives

Charles Ives

At Ives’ behest, Carter entered Harvard in 1924 intent on becoming a composer. Unlike his fellow students, many of whom were performing musicians already well schooled in theory, he had little theoretical background. The still teen-aged Carter composed a quite dissonant piece for his Beginning Harmony class. He was laughed at for the music’s lack of “sophistication”; Carter abruptly changed his major to English,though he continued to study composition outside Harvard’s curriculum . Discussing it years later, he said that he wanted his music to sound like that. He was, even then, not interested in traditional harmony. Today, Carter insists that he started to listen to and think about music from the “wrong end.” From the very start he was attracted to modern music. And his vision never wavered. Beethoven became “bearable,” he says, only much later in life. And in case you are tempted to think an artist mellows with age like a great Scotch, have a listen to this excerpt from a piece that was premiered at his centennial concert. He was only 98 when he wrote it. It’s called Interventions and is for piano and orchestra. (In the box below Carter’s picture, click the link.)

NPR.org audio link

As a Harvard major in English Carter became enamored of American modernist poetry. Throughout his career he turned to the poems of Elizabeth Bishop, John Ashberry, Ezra Pound, Robert Lowell, William Carlos Williams, Wallace Stevens and Robert Frost to express thoughts and emotions beyond the non-verbal beauties of music alone.

In 1932, Carter returned to Paris and began studies with the eminent theorist Nadia Boulanger, mentor to several generations of American composers from Aaron Copland to Philip Glass. In 1935, he received a doctorate from the Ecole Normale in Paris. Later that year he returned to the United States. Fluent in French, his love of French culture has never abated.

The mid 30s was a period of strong nativist accents in American concert music. Even Copland, who had begun as a spiky modernist in the early 20s, adopted a populist voice of the time with pieces such as Appalachian Spring. Carter made few forays into this accessible, even tuneful style, the singular example being music for the ballet Pocahontas in 1939.

From about 1950, Carter’s music found its roots and he began to develop a unique voice; while never embracing the Second Viennese School’s 12 tone method, his music became ever more rhythmically complex, atonal, and structurally adventurous. A technique he called “metric modulation” placed extraordinary demands on musicians to keep apace of the ever-shifting time signatures. His most daring experiments in time coalesced in his string quartets, the mode of chamber music most often associated with a composer’s most intimate thoughts—from Beethoven, Brahms, Bartok, and Shostakovich—to Elliott Carter. His first string quartet was completed in 1951 while on a Guggenheim Grant making a personal retreat in the Arizona desert. The second quartet appeared in 1959 and was awarded a Pulitzer Prize, the first of two he received. The next three quartets followed at intervals of about a decade. The five quartets, which span his mature career, are one of the landmarks of 20th century music, even though they are just now finding an impassioned audience.

On November 2, 2002 the young Pacifica Quartet performed the complete string quartet cycle at Columbia’s Miller Theater. I was there, as was Mr. Carter; he signed my program. For my generation of classical music lovers this would be akin to having Beethoven sign your program at a concert in Biedermeier Vienna:

05_miller complete quartets

Six years later the same quartet, now veterans in the thorny intricacies of Carter’s music, performed the cycle again as part of the Juilliard and Lincoln Center Carter Centennial—and again I was present. Shortly afterwards the Pacifica Quartet released the full set on CD for Naxos:

Amazon.com CD link

At the end of every January the music school of Juilliard presents a weeklong series of concerts, an in-depth journey into the music of a country, style, or composer. Last year, this series, Focus, was dedicated to Elliott Carter. The opening night’s program included music of Carter, Boulez, Stravinsky, and Varese. Boulez was the conductor. At the conclusion of the program, the 83 year-old Frenchman descended the podium and walked to the stage left apron to shake hands with the near 100-year-old American, who was walking slowly towards the stage from his sixth row aisle seat. Flashbulbs exploded out of nowhere, a veritable frisson of light. To see these two titans of 20th century music, who had first met at a music festival in Darmstadt, Germany, in 1952, embrace, was a moment I will never forget.

06_focus all about

Carter spent most of the 60s composing just two pieces, the Piano Concerto and the Concerto for Orchestra. These large scale works, as well as the string quartets, were so demanding of his time and energy that he decided to now commit more of his time to small scale commissions for voice or for solo instruments. Always involved in tonal color, his dedication to the single instruments allowed him to explore the full range of each and to work in close collaboration with the soloist who had commissioned the work; it was a further distillation of his already intense concentration on chamber music. Especially in the past decade, these works have become extremely popular with musicians.  Here is a short piece, Canaries, for solo tympani, yes, solo:

Here is a piece for flute and cello called Enchanted Prelude from 1988:

I know this is not the easiest music on the ears if you are not familiar with the demands of Carter’s style—but it’s tonal and rhythmic variation may sound more hospitable to you if you can think of something like “free jazz.” Cecil Taylor, anyone? Or maybe John Cage or Frank Zappa?

John Cage and Carter

John Cage and Carter

What comes as a surprise to most people on first meeting Carter in person, or on hearing him in an interview, is how charming and friendly he is. Here is a brief interview with Carter conducted by Frank Oteri, in the Greenwich Village home where the composer has lived for 60 years:

Boosey & Hawkes.com Podcast link

Surprised? Could anyone think such spiky music would come from such a sweet man? And it’s not that his recent work is any more “listenable” than what he wrote 50 years ago. Maybe, though, we are finally starting to catch up with him. When I was a college student I listened to his music from the ballet Minotaur, a sort of modernist, but accessible, work for orchestra, from 1947. Then I heard the Double Concerto and the Piano Concerto and decided that, not being a musician, I could never understand or enjoy this stuff. I don’t remember how I was able to come to terms with Carter’s music; maybe it’s a kind of creeping geriatric synesthesia—you know, how it is that many people tend to not want sweet food as they age; maybe an aversion to aural sweetness is contributory, or maybe just the years spent listening to so much classical music, it has made my ears more open, even though I don’t know much about music theory or play an instrument.

In late October of 1998, Columbia’s Miller Theater celebrated Carter’s 90th birthday. This was the first time I heard Carter’s music “live”. He was there, sitting in the row in front of me. Just before the concert began, and after well wishers retreated to their seats, I leaned forward with my program and a pen and asked him to sign it. He paused, looked intently at me as though I had just shouted, “fire,” but he did sign it and gave it back, smiling.

08_90 bday

Maybe that was the turning point for me. Just those few seconds of human connection—from then on, so much of the thorny late 20th century music whose charms had eluded me, suddenly seemed not only approachable but enjoyable. The first piece on the program that night was for solo guitar. It is called “Shard” and here it is:

And if you want to rock—here it is “electric”:

The Piano Concerto is Carter’s most tragic work. He finished it in 1964 in Berlin. The Cold war tensions over the building of the Wall were fresh; according to his biographer, David Schiff, there was a US Army target range near Carter’s Berlin studio; the sound of the range’s gunfire seems to echo through the second movement. Critic Michael Steinberg wrote that “ Carter’s Concerto established the most dramatic confrontation of soloist and orchestra since Beethoven.” Pianist Ursula Oppens has recorded the concerto twice. She is an inveterate champion and performer of Carter’s music. Here she is, playing a solo piano piece from 2000 called Retrouvailles. Carter was 93 when he composed it:

Carter is such an amazingly articulate and witty person that he needs no critical champion. But the composer and critic Steven Stuckey, who has been composer-in-residence at the LA Phil and a frequent speaker at its pre-concert discussions, interviews Carter, again in his home. It opens with a shot of Carter composing on hand-ruled paper with a pencil, the way he has done since his student days. He talks about his time at Harvard and of his abiding love of American poetry:

This interview is in 4 parts; it is a personal walk through the arts of the 20th century by a man who was in the thick of it. As you listen to him, be aware that he was well past his 99th birthday when this conversation took place. If you want to watch all four parts, the screen should show an icon for next part when the previous one ends.

While Carter may not have needed an amanuensis, his wife, Helen, was a soul mate. Here is a photo from 1987. Two years later, they celebrated their 50th anniversary. Carter wrote a short piece for orchestra for the occasion called Anniversary that “compresses fifty years of partnership into six minutes.”  (Schiff)

Carter and Helen in 1987

Carter and Helen in 1987

David Schiff was a student of Carter’s; in 1983, he published a book about his teacher that is part critical exegesis and part biography. The 2nd edition from 1998 includes Carter’s more recent work, though at the rate he continues to compose, they will need a 3rd edition by the end of next year:

Amazon.com The Music of Elliott Carter link

Before the Pacifica Quartet became the current “go-to” group for the Carter string quartets, the venerable Juilliard Quartet had recorded them.

Carter with the Juilliard Quartet

Carter with the Juilliard Quartet

Here is a video that shows Carter giving the Juilliard players notes as they rehearse the last, 5th Quartet. His detailed notes on dynamics show a man in complete command of his own vision. The camera work for this historic video is, sadly, amateurish. Also, look at the comments posted below the video. I am so used to seeing nothing but the most inane abuses and the expressions like “douche bag” turned into a mantra on these YouTube sites. Even though one guy referring to the quartet opined, “It’s just a bunch of messing around,” most of the comments are way more literate put downs between advocates and dissenters and show a degree of passion not unlike that of pop music fans:

It is no surprise that a man so articulate and detail oriented is also an engaging writer. A collection of his writings that dates back to the mid-40s includes essays on the state of American concert music, lectures, memoirs of major musical figures, and events in his career, as well as reflections on his own work. His essays on the life and music of his mentor Charles Ives are especially enlightening:

Amazon.com Elliott Carter: Collected Essays and Lectures, 1937-1995 link

I have saved one “goody” for the end of this ramble. On December 10, 2008, the day before his 100th birthday, Carter appeared on the PBS Charlie Rose show, along with conductor James Levine and conductor/pianist Daniel Barenboim, in a freewheeling talk. Wearing suspenders and a flaming red sweatshirt, Carter tells Rose that even though it is his birthday tomorrow, he will be a his desk in the morning, as he is every day, composing. Levine adds, “He is still in his prime.” At about 6 minutes in, Barenboim talks about the concept of “late style” in the work of an artist’s last years. “But I don’t dare say this is Elliott’s late style.” He speculates that Carter could write another 20 years, always moving toward a new horizon. He says that Carter is creating a new style, one that contains all the complexity that has been his hallmark, but which is becoming ever more “distilled.”

Charlie Rose interview link

Carter, Levine, Barenboim—Carnegie Hall, Dec. 11, 2008

Carter, Levine, Barenboim—Carnegie Hall, Dec. 11, 2008

For almost a decade Carter’s works have become shorter, scored for fewer instruments, more reductive in structure, yet more vibrant, quicker in time—more and more the essence of what it is that he wants to say. Maybe even he feels time nipping at his heels.  But at the rate he is going, Elliott Carter will, within another decade, attain that most sublime state of distillation that all music aspires to—pure silence. And he will carry us there with him. Lenny Bernstein is somewhere in the empyreum waiting for him.

Leonard Bernstein and Carter

Leonard Bernstein and Carter

Street-Wise: The Photography of Garry Winogrand and Alexey Titarenko

ONE

He held his 35mm Leica M4 low in his right hand like a chain smoker bogarting his cigarette. When something caught his eye as he ambled down the sidewalk, the camera shot up to his face as if to take a toke. Even before the lens reached his eye, his finger snapped the shutter; then the wrist flicked the camera away as if shaking off a persistent ash, dropping it down again at his side. Hardly anyone ever knew they had become a Garry Winogrand photograph.

Leica M4, the camera used by Winogrand

Leica M4, the camera used by Winogrand

Alexey Titarenko carries his larger format Hasselblad also at his side. It is mounted on a collapsible tripod. His hand grips the legs, the camera hanging from it, upside down. When something catches his eye he quickly moves to position, sets the tripod in place, looks down into the large ground glass, snaps the shutter, and waits for the time exposure to end. He picks the rig up and moves on; one could think the whole device was a strange kind of time machine fused to the end of a walking stick.

Hasselblad 500 C/M, the camera used by Titarenko

Hasselblad 500 C/M, the camera used by Titarenko

Winogrand and Titarenko are a breed apart. If you were to tag Penn or Avedon with the label “fashion photographer” or James Nachtwey as “war photographer,” then you could call Garry or Alexey “street photographer.” Winogrand chose to go where the action was and where he could be invisible, lost in the crowds that were his catnip. He loved being on the street, mostly in large cities such as New York (he preferred Fifth Ave, because of the open light, wide sidewalks and eclectic mix of people) or Los Angeles (where he sometimes shot from a moving car driven by his friend Tom Consilvo), but he also stalked airports, political events, animal stock shows and fairs, public parks, zoos, an aquarium. One thing was certain: Winogrand did not prowl the dark and mean streets. Look for him in the thick of it in broad daylight—a somewhat shabbily dressed, schlump of an everyman with thick glasses and a toothy smile when he deigned to show it. I can describe Garry like this—I knew him. We inhabited the same photo galleries in Los Angeles in the late 70s and just once I saw him at work on the street. But about that a bit later.

Winogrand "New York City, 1968

Winogrand "New York City,” 1968

Titarenko is altogether different—except for the glasses. He walks with deliberation. The streets he haunts, and haunts is the right word, are filled with the cultural history of the “Venice of the North,” the locus of the Russian Revolution, the home of centuries of Queens and Czars, the literary home of novelist Fyodor Dostoevsky—in short, a trunk full of ghosts. His city is St. Petersburg, though when he was born amid the dark depths of the Soviet “Cold War” era in 1962, it was still called Leningrad. Titarenko carries the weight of this history through the streets with him, looking for the congeries of place, people, and light—frozen in a blurred frame, that captures a moment of time in the long saga of a tragic people. This is a critic’s statement about his series “City of Shadows.”

The collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s led to an unprecedented economic crisis that created a multitude of human tragedies and suffering, similar to the devastation after the Russian Revolution of 1917. The goal of [the] City of Shadows series (1991–1994) was not only to document that very crucial time in European history, but also to generate street pictures that could embrace both the present and the past as well as mirror the human condition. Titarenko’s idea was to alter the range of his time exposure: from one second to several minutes, using a tripod. One of the obstacles was having an exposure of himself and people’s reaction to him included in the image. To resolve this issue, Titarenko decided to use a passing crowd as a shield or screen, which renders the photographer less noticeable behind this flow of people.

Titarenko From "City of Shadows," Three Women Selling Cigarettes

Titarenko From “City of Shadows, Three Women Selling Cigarettes”

Winogrand, on the other hand, seizes his moment in a carpe diem aesthetic; and he gets it right time after time, that ephemeral moment, so fugitive in life, trapped in a hyper reality   that says who we Americans are; Titarenko does the same for his Russians, but as a painter, in carefully modulated detail on his photo-canvas of time trapped.

I think they would both hate the appellation of “street photographer” because the street is just the backdrop, the arena against which their differing subjects perform. There exist two films that document the artists at work. The Winogrand is in two parts and is excerpted from a 1982 WNYC series called Creativity, hosted by Bill Moyers. The Titarenko film was made for a French-German TV show called Art et La Maniere. Both films are short but the Titarenko film, a bit longer, is in three parts. The YouTube links below are in succession. If you have time I suggest that see both films at one sitting—or maybe even intercut the parts. Here is the Winogrand:

And here is the Titarenko:

TWO

Garry Winogrand died on March 19, 1984 at the Gerson Clinic in Tijuana where he had just gained admission for treatment of his gall bladder cancer. He was 56. He left behind 2500 rolls of undeveloped 35mm film in 36 exposure rolls, mostly Tri-X. He also left 6500 rolls of developed film but no contacts, as well as 300 unedited contact sheets—an aggregate of more than 300,000 unexamined images. His archives are deposited at the Center for Creative Photography in Tucson. A book with a group of these posthumous images has been published by MOMA. It accompanied the first major traveling retrospective of Winogrand’s work, in 1988. The essay is by John Szarkowski, the late head of MOMA’s department of Photography, who was an early and stalwart champion of Winogrand’s work. His flyleaf quote says simply, “Garry Winogrand is, in my view, the central photographer of his generation [whose] pictures realize a conception of photography that is richer, more complex, and more problematic than any since the Second World War.”

I think he says “problematic” because Winogrand is so hard to explain. He not so much defied all the canons of good photography as he created a way of looking at the world that is so immediate that it sidesteps any aesthetic category. Winogrand: Figments from the Real World is, I think, the best and most comprehensive introduction to his work:

Amazon.com Winogrand: Figments From The Real World link

Another book also published after his death comes from the archives in Tucson. It contains almost 200 B/W photos, mostly unseen until now, and a few in color. It is a record of a cross-country trip he made in 1964 using a Guggenheim Grant, much like Robert Frank did for his 1955 road odyssey, “The Americans.” This book is Winogrand’s portrait of America in the mid 60s, Winogrand 1964:

Amazon.com Winogrand 1964 link

Here is a gallery of Winogrand’s photos:

www.faheykleingallery.com link

Alexey Titarenko began photographing his hometown of St. Petersburg when he was 8 years old. At that age his aesthetic sensibilities were pretty inchoate; but a mere five years later he was searching the back streets and courtyards of old St. Petersburg, pre-Soviet relics, “under the influence of Dostoyevsky.” When he graduated from the Leningrad Institute of Culture in 1983 and began his career work, Winogrand was less than a year away from death. Titarenko’s first body of work was the “Nomenklatura of Signs,” a wryly-ironic riff on the semiotics of the end days of the Soviet Union.

Titarenko "Nomenklatura of Signs"

Titarenko "Nomenklatura of Signs"

Unlike Winogrand, whose posthumous publications have become almost a cottage industry, there is but a single monograph readily available of Titarenko’s work: it is beautifully printed with full-page realizations of his meticulously wrought images. The introduction is by Nailya Alexander and the extended captions and comments are by French critic Gabriel Bauret:

Amazon.com Alexey Titarenko: Photographs link

There is also a comprehensive slideshow of his work on his own website:

alexeytitarenko.com link

Just roll over any of the titles to isolate that body of work. The “Nomenklatura of Signs” is much in the tradition of early Soviet era Constructivist montage artists like El Lissitsky and Rodchenko, avant-garde and pre-Stalinist. It is almost an autumnal “button” on that great period of Russian work, and Titarenko did this work before forging his own contemporary, forward-looking aesthetic. The street wanderings that constitute the greatest part of his work would have aroused suspicion had they been done before the end of the Soviet Union. Yet a certain gravitas endures in the work, the weight of the older cultural tradition hovering about him.

No such weight bore down on Winogrand; he evoked in every sense Whitman’s “barbaric yap.” Winogrand was not comfortable talking about theory or technique or, god forbid, “cultural context.” For him, a photograph is a record of a life moment—nothing more, nothing less. Here are a few quotes that are the closest he offered to a shooting philosophy:

“A photograph is the illusion of a literal description of how the camera ‘saw’ a piece of time and space.”

“Photography is not about the thing photographed. It is about how that thing looks photographed.”

“I photograph to see what the world looks like in photographs.”

“I like to think of photographing as a two-way act of respect. Respect for the medium, by letting it do what it does best, describe. And respect for the subject, by describing [it] as it is. A photograph must be responsible to both.”

“All things are photographable.”

Do you detect a theme? And here’s the one that really derails any critic’s attempt to contextualize him:

“I don’t have anything to say in any picture. My only interest in photography is to see what something looks like as a photograph. I have no preconceptions.”

I remember an event early in my own career, doing a shoot of John Ford for the BBC, shortly before he died; it was conducted in his living room. The interviewer was a hotshot film scholar who fired off one speculative question after another at the near blind director. Ford just grunted most of the time as a response; finally after a particularly thorny question that exhibited the interviewer’s research more than it did common sense, Ford paused a long time as though he were considering a definitive “statement.” “I make the movies,” he said, “You just talk about them.”  Then he looked down at me (camera still rolling) and said, “Young man, what is that growth on your lip?”  I answered, “Mr. Ford, I’m growing a mustache.” He settled back and barked out one word, “Don’t.”

THREE

That’s the direct, irreverent spirit of which I remember Gary Winogrand. I said early in this piece that I saw him at work once. We were filming American Gigolo on the streets of Westwood. It was a sequence where a clean-cut Young Republican type is tailing Richard Gere. Gere ducks around the corner at the entry to the Bruin Theater, grabs the guy as he passes, and pins him up against a display poster for Walter Hill’s film, The Warriors. I was setting up an over-the-shoulder shot, and then turned around on the dolly seat to look toward a sound from the street. There was Garry Winogrand snapping away, wrist flick and all. “Hey, Garry,” I shouted out. Paul Schrader said something that caused me to turn back. When I looked back toward Garry—he was gone. I had blown his cover—but I wonder if somewhere in that mass of 300,000 frames there is a Garry Winogrand shot of me, at the camera. And in defiance of Jack Ford, I still had the mustache.

Whenever I have been on the streets of Manhattan with Alexey Titarenko, he has not been carrying a camera. Last time we were together was after a dress rehearsal at the Met Opera of the new, much abused production of Tosca. Alexey and his wife, Nailya Alexander, who has a gallery that features Russian photographers, are great lovers of opera. Alexey is still getting used to the topography of Manhattan and is not yet shooting much in NYC. But he has moved here now and has set up a darkroom in the basement of their condo on W.117th St.

Unlike what Winogrand says about what he is trying to do as a photographer (or does not say), Titarenko is eloquent about what he is hoping to find as he walks the streets, an image to fit an idea. For him, the film negative is the beginning point in realizing that idea. Intensive, detailed, time-robbing work in the darkroom is at the heart of his vision. There is something almost 19th century about the Photo-Secessionist, hand-made-ness of it all. You see this clearly in the darkroom sequence of the French TV documentary as he bleaches and tones the print of the old beggar woman sitting on a dirt pile, the stark white paper in her hand pleading, “Help me for Christ’s sake.”

Titarenko "Time Standing Still" Begging Woman 1999

Titarenko “Time Standing Still, Begging Woman ” 1999

Winogrand clearly felt constrained in the darkroom. He spent so little time there. He’d much rather be shooting another 100 rolls of Tri-X. It is a wonder that we have any prints from him at all.

When I began to consider how to approach such an encyclopedic subject as “street photography” for this essay, I realized that only the narrowest focus on two widely different artists could begin to suggest the breadth of this history—by tugging at its far edges. I went to my bookshelf and pulled down a volume I have long regarded with respect for its daring to present the rich story of A History of Street Photography. That is the subtitle to Bystander, by curator/writer Colin Westerbeck and photographer Joel Meyerowitz:

Amazon.com Bystander: A History of Street Photography link

Unlike most survey books, this one feels as if it is written from the inside. It’s broken into sections, with essays by Westerbeck and portfolios of supporting images selected by Meyerowitz. One of the book’s glories is the last chapter, a dialogue between the two men. Meyerowitz’s early career was as a street photographer and he shares the most extraordinary stories with Westerbeck about many of the mid-century giants, such as Frank, Arbus, Friedlander and, of course, Winogrand.  This book is an indispensible resource for this most important but somewhat overlooked genre. It appeared several years before Alexey Titarenko had his first monograph exhibition in the United States.

Winogrand’s guiding aesthetic, if you can call it that, is pretty simple:

I think that there isn’t a photograph in the world that has any narrative ability. Any of ‘em. They do not tell stories—they show you what something looks like… . The minute you relate this thing to what was photographed—it’s a lie. It’s two-dimensional. It’s the illusion of literal description. The thing has to be complete in the frame, whether you have the narrative information or not. It has to be complete in the frame. It’s a picture problem. It’s part of what makes things interesting.

This, of course, flies in the face of how many street photographers work: Andre Kertesz, Henri Cartier-Bresson and most especially the powerful narratives of James Nachtwey (whose street photographs unfold in zones of death). Implicit or explicit, they are storytellers. But to take Winogrand at his word is easy. His so-called “snapshot aesthetic” precludes any conscious intention. Many other artists such as those just cited will often wait for the “decisive moment” or (in the case of Nachtwey) become so close, so absorbed into that moment that he is almost a participant. Here is Winogrand’s response to a question about the “snapshot aesthetic.”

I knew that was coming. That’s another stupidity. The people who use the term don’t even know the meaning. They use it to refer to photographs they believe are loosely organized, or casually made, whatever you want to call it. Whatever terms you like. The fact is, when they’re talking about snapshots they’re talking about the family album picture, which is one of the most precisely made photographs. Everybody’s fifteen feet away and smiling. The sun is over the viewer’s shoulder. That’s when the picture is taken, always. It’s one of the most carefully made photographs that ever happened.

Winogrand "World's Fair" 1964

Winogrand “World's Fair” 1964

Winogrand "American Legion Convention, Dallas Texas 1964"

Winogrand “American Legion Convention, Dallas Texas” 1964

Titarenko’s method is much more intentional:

A photographer is filled with ideas he carries around with him… . The act of creation consists in making these ideas visible to others… . The process occurs when I stroll about the city. I walk along and something catches my eye and the scene mingles with my childhood memories.

If Winogrand’s style can be called some form of “grab” or “instant” photography, Titarenko’s is in the tradition of what is called chronophotography, “pictures of time.” Although Titarenko’s intentions are much more metaphoric and poetic, his technique goes back in part to the multiple image sequences of human locomotion by Edward Muybridge and Étienne-Jules Marey. Alexey regards these earlier artists more as scientists, which of course they were. But by expanding the limits of human perception, they also did what poets do. Muybridge, especially in his ultra-large format  work with Watkins in the Yosemite Valley, achieved a kind of pantheism in nature. A friend of mine from USC film school days, Thom Anderson, now a teacher at CalArts, made a feature-length thesis film that so brought Muybridge’s motion studies to life, that it was if he breathed life into inanimate matter.

Eadward Muybridge "Woman Descending Steps"

Eadward Muybridge "Woman Descending Steps"

Titarenko works the more art-allusive area of time passage, his images blurred in a fluid sequence. It is no accident that he often quotes as his antecedents several of the earliest pioneers of photography, such as Daguerre. The technical limits of early photography demanded long exposures; Titarenko has turned this into a kind of metaphysics. The paintings of Balla and Duchamp explored similar notions of how to portray time in a static medium.

Giacomo Balla "Dynamism of a Dog on a Leash"

Giacomo Balla “Dynamism of a Dog on a Leash”

Marcel Duchamp "Nude Descending a Staircase"

Marcel Duchamp “Nude Descending a Staircase”

In 1982, Winogrand did something that altered his shooting style and another that may have ultimately changed it radically. He bought a motor drive for his Leicas, which allowed his already fast shooting technique to accelerate even more. John Szarkowski speculates that this unmediated, automatic, advance device fueled a decline in his late style, as it removed that critical connection between mind and hand. That very same day he bought an 8 x 10 view camera, the same format employed by the meticulous Edward Weston; but he apparently never used it. Perhaps he sensed he would soon reach the end of what he could do with the Leicas. Or perhaps the motor drive was the entry point into a wholly new style that he never lived long enough to explore; perhaps by taking up the bulky 8×10 view camera (if he had lived longer), Winogrand may have evolved into a nature and landscape photographer. He had spoken about moving back to New York City and getting a place up on the Hudson River, outside the city. But we will never know what might have been next.

Alexey Titarenko is now just settled into New York City. We will see if he finds a complex narrative of emotion and poetry that is akin to and a further development of what he had in St. Petersburg. Will he be the one who inherits Winogrand’s mantle, albeit one of a much different cut? Or will the energy and the pulse of this city, so different from his native St. Petersburg, spur him forward into a new, yet unknown, narrative?

These artists represent two distinct aspects of photographing people in public places. Both men’s disparate work testifies to the elasticity of a medium that at its origins was thought to be not much more than a technical tool to free painting from the onerous recording of quotidian life — but one, which, in fact, has become a bright window into our very souls.

Titarenko "City of Shadows, Variant Crowd 2" 1993

Titarenko "City of Shadows, Variant Crowd 2" 1993

Titarenko From "Time Standing Still, White Dresses" 1998

Titarenko From ”Time Standing Still, White Dresses” 1998

White Elephant Art Vs. Termite Art — Manny Farber

Manny Farber

Manny Farber

Before you can begin to discuss Manny Farber’s film criticism, you have to ask yourself one question—why did he hate so many movies? The answer to this is no slam-dunk. It’s a question he must have asked himself with some regularity.

Nobody ever wrote about film the way Manny Farber did; and the way he wrote has influenced as many critics of the culture at large as it has those of film: Greil Marcus, Luc Sante, Dave Hickey, Jonathan Rosenblum, Kent Jones, have all drunk deep from his well. It is even difficult to imagine what kind of song Pauline Kael or Andrew Sarris might have warbled if there had been no Manny Farber tuning his literary “A” to lead their chorus.

A new edition of virtually all of his film reviews has just been published by our own Editions des Pleiades, “The Library of America.” With a lengthy but essential introduction for a first-time Farber reader, editor Robert Polito provides a capsule biography of the critic as he leads us into and through the thicket of Farber’s prose. Trying to find the elusive writer himself is like trying to draw a bead on a fast-moving target that keeps changing its color.

Manny Farber was born on February 20, 1917, in Douglas, Arizona. His family home on Eighth Street was a mere five-block sprint from the Mexican border. Douglas was close to the town of Bisbee, site of a major copper mine, with famed Bisbee Blue turquoise, highly sought by Navaho artists, a prized by-product. Farber joked that the town founders placed Douglas downhill from Bisbee at the distance that a loaded copper ore car could roll before stopping. And like many Westerners from towns like this, Farber went to the Big Apple to make a name for himself. And like “Hoppy” Ray from Picher, Oklahoma, another mining town, Manny fell in love with movies as a boy—the same kind of movies as “Hoppy”—the low budget cowboy pictures and serials.

Farber muscled himself into a job as film critic for The New Republic in 1942 after a brief stint there as art critic; he replaced the legendary Otis Ferguson who was killed by a torpedo attack on his tanker. He moved on to Time magazine in 1949 (though he disavows his work there as, in then Time style, he was published without by-line and was heavily edited). He was fired from Time after a few months and then wrote for The Nation from 1949-1954, and The New Leader from 1957–59. He wrote for men’s magazine, Cavalier in 1966, and for Artforum and Film Comment during a crucial period of a changing ethos in American film during the mid and late 60s.

The differing missions of this eclectic group of periodicals reflected Farber’s evolving writing style, as well as a more general aesthetic change in his film criticism. And it is “criticism” that Farber penned, not weekly film reviews. His pieces often discussed several films at once; his pen swung back and forth, firing aesthetic buckshot in multiple directions. A film’s plot, which constitutes most so-called reviews, was usually of minor importance to him. In fact, he often assumed you had already seen the film under discussion. His reviews, like his paintings, have no entry point or center. In painting terms, you could say his writing and his art are both in an “overall” style. This erratic approach occasionally led him into “think pieces” which dealt with a more focused theme. This wider perspective became even wider when he focused on high-end film and art magazines such as Film Comment and Artforum. Not only did the writing become more theoretical, Farber began also to move away from the “B” movie films and directors he had so loved as an upstart critic. His writing shifted from the mid 60s on, toward more independent/auteur filmmakers—even more so after he left New York City, ceased being a writing film critic, and moved with his soon-to-be-wife and long-time writing partner, Patricia Patterson, to begin teaching painting and film in 1970 at the University of California at San Diego. Yes, painting. While his film classes would hold 300 students in rapturous attention at his encyclopedic knowledge of cinema, Farber’s real love had become the teaching of painting and the ongoing development of his own vision. His painting classes usually were restricted to fewer than a dozen students.

"My Budd" by Manny Farber

"My Budd" by Manny Farber

Painting was a life-long love for Farber and his film criticism is riddled with pellets of painting references and ideas. One of his most important essays, “White Elephant Art vs. Termite Art,” from late 1962, begins with a several page discussion of Cezanne, Motherwell, DeKooning, and Warhol before hunkering down to a critical evisceration of Tony Richardson, François Truffaut, and Michelangelo Antonioni, with a quick jab into Orson Welles, one of his favorite targets going back to Citizen Kane.

The “termite” films that Farber praised are the bare bones action films of directors like Sam Fuller, Anthony Mann, Howard Hawks, Allan Dwan, Budd Boetticher and even Val Lewton, at a time when they were pretty much ignored by mainstream critics. He also favored Laurel and Hardy and Mack Sennett over Chaplin. The “white elephant” films that he so disdained are not necessarily the bloated costume period melodramas based on weighty “literary” antecedents, but films by now revered directors such as Zinneman, Huston, Hitchcock, and Wilder. In a piece from December 1952, called “Blame the Audience,” he pounces on what he calls “mostly smartly tooled art works of the times,” such as Sunset Boulevard. It becomes clear that American films of middlebrow culture, with aspirations toward humanistic sentiment, reek for him of insincerity, pretension and condescension to the intended audience. This disposition only intensifies as an even more formalized cinema from New Wave Europe breaks on American shores. Even from the time of Citizen Kane, when he abuses both Welles and cinematographer Gregg Toland for “arty” lighting and compositions, Farber sees filmmakers who explore and exploit the techniques of filmmaking itself as being especially worthy of contempt—those who “treat every inch of the screen and film as a potential area for prize worthy creativity.” Here is how he dissects François Truffaut, that most-beloved of directors:

An example of white elephant art, particularly the critic-devouring virtue of filling every pore of a work with glinting, darting Style and creative Vivacity, is François Truffaut. Truffaut’s Shoot the Piano Player and Julès and Jim, two ratchety perpetual-motion machines devised by a French Rube Goldberg, leave behind the more obvious gadgetries of Requiem for a Heavyweight [another film he hated] and even the cleaner, blade-like journalism of The 400 Blows [to which he gave a semi-pass].

(My own simple parenthesis here is—why does he see self-conscious cinema style as “critic- devouring”? Is he so personally put-upon by Monsieur Truffaut and his exuberant, celluloid-intoxicated ilk? In true Farber-esque contradiction, he all but slobbered over early Godard, the most self-referential director of the New Wave.)

There is no one quite as anti-intellectual in America as a certain kind of intellectual. It is as if he sees certain tropes of taste and intelligence as being his own private provenance. Or maybe, it’s because he comes from a place like Douglas, Arizona and never feels like a press-fit in the art-ghettos of New York City. Once secure with a sinecure in the art capital of the world, is it necessary to flay what fellow-critic Dwight MacDonald called “Mid-cult” just because you now move in more rarefied circles? Lest you get the wrong idea here—even though I find many of Farber’s aesthetic circuits loaded with dialectic disconnects, it is partly this very mix that makes him so compulsively readable—that and the fact that he wrote with a vigor, rhythm and an informed perspective that no one else in film can touch. And his broad-based, richly informed allusiveness was like catnip to the next generation of film critics such as Kael and Sarris. Kael embraced Farber’s termite burrowing into the film image, the shot itself as ground zero exegesis; Sarris cast his net wider, creating circles of a “Pantheon” that starred many of the termite directors that Farber already had been praising for two decades.

Farber on Film: The Complete Film Writings of Manny Farber is the most compulsively readable and well-written book of film criticism you are likely to ever encounter. Yet, I can’t help but say simply, that much of what he says is pure invective; cheap shots at anyone who dares to inflate the cinematic balloon with “meaning.” Farber champions the small “a”,” not the big ‘A.” Here is a link to a book you can open at almost any page and find exciting, albeit contrarian, writing:

Amazon.com Farber on Film: The Complete Film Writings of Manny Farber link

An earlier collection, “Negative Space” is also available; it contains much of a lengthy interview that Farber and Patterson gave to Richard Thompson in 1977:

Amazon.com Negative Space: Manny Farber On The Movies link

Even as he seeks to kneecap many prestigious directors, Farber was one of the first to call attention and give belated credit to animators like Tex Avery and Chuck Jones. His own cultural lodestones in all the arts were broad and popular based; it infused his writing style. He was as likely to quote Yogi Berra as Euripides. Coming from a small Western town and having to define his own cultural biases, he felt freer than most who were born into and educated within a fixed cultural constellation. It permeated his demotic and irreverent writing style. Robert Polito addresses this in his introduction. His opening sentence quotes Farber:

One of the most obvious facts about criticism is obvious… . It’s based on language and words. The desire is always to pursue: what does the word mean, or the sentence, or the paragraph, and where does it lead? As you follow language out, it becomes more and more webbed, complex.

This complexity is one of image, metaphor and allusion; it is always couched in accessible language. Farber never caved into the professional obfuscators of the “cinematic critical studies” fog that surrounded him. It does seem that such a hardscrabble writer would have no truck with the semiologists. But just as his writing style shifted as it appeared in more professional art and film magazines, his own self-awareness as a critic evolved in tandem. He has said that he used to write and talk about four or five films at once and in his teaching, he would bounce back and forth between several films. After some years teaching at UCSD, he laments that he can now get lost with his students inside a single film for hours. The 1977 interview he did with Richard Thompson is the closest I have found to a critical “Confession,” an open revelation of his critical “stance.” He talks about sports, painting, and his own back-story. According to Thompson, Farber and his wife, Patricia Patterson, reviewed, edited, and re-wrote over months, what had started as a simple audio interview. It is a lengthy piece, but it is so readable; Farber gives insight about how his focus as a teacher, well after he had stopped writing, shifted toward more demanding and insular directors such as Straub and Snow, Akerman and Duras, while still hovering around art house darlings like Herzog and Fassbinder. He no longer had any imperative to reach a general, if educated, audience. He may have been content largely talking to himself, the prerogative of anyone of his considerable intellect. Here is the interview:

Screening the Past article link

There is a deliberate dialectic in his later writings, more essay-like than review pieces. When he talks about scenes and shots you can feel him tugging at the edges of the frame to see if it will open up and spill out more information, or if it will snap back with the taut conviction of the true “auteur.”

My own read is that as he discovered himself more and more in his paintings, he compulsively sought out the detailed “termite burrowings” hidden deeper inside complex films. The carefully considered qualities of detail that he strove for in painting also inhabit his approach to film analysis.

"Zeus" by Manny Farber

"Zeus" by Manny Farber

Like fellow painter Philip Guston, Farber began ever so briefly as a figurative artist, then embraced abstraction and sometimes hung out with the Cedar Tavern A-E boys in the 50s, but returned to figurative painting in the late 60s. Farber found a way to cohere his love of film and of painting in work he called the “auteur series.” He used collage (montage) elements that evoked the thematic landscape of his favorite directors. Other highly “constructed” canvasses came out of his work in carpentry and included unlikely elements such as re-bar secured to the wooden “canvas.” Atypically, he worked on his paintings, as they lay flat on a table.

Here is a video describing one of his paintings, “Untitled: New Blue.” You can scan the intimate detail and close construction of his painting’s landscape. This work is in the collection of Paul Schrader; the BBC commissioned the film, which is directed by Schrader. While he has the deepest regard for Farber and his work, Schrader was influenced more by Kael in his own critical writings:

Untitled: New Blue link

It is way beyond the scope of what I can do here to discuss Farber’s painting, but a glimpse into it as well as a strong sense of the man himself is in Jonathan Rosenbaum’s article from 1993, which he updated as an “obit” tribute after the critic/painter’s death at his home in Leucadia, California, on August 17, 2008. He was 91.

Rosenbaum had an on and off close relationship with Farber, almost as father/son, after Rosenbaum came to UCSD in March, 1997, at Farber’s invitation to serve as a teaching replacement. This insightful essay is full of details of Farber’s idiosyncratic personality, as well as an appraisal as to why, despite his often-maverick writing style, he is America’s greatest film critic.

www.jonathanrosenbaum.com link

Rosenblum concludes his essay with a story about a trip he made with Farber to Los Angeles when Farber was scheduled to give a lecture about painting at an art school. Farber discovered his socks didn’t match; he also had developed a bad case of stage fright in the parking lot before the event, and the much younger Rosenblum had to talk him down.

Of such seeming minor moments do the most imposing and irascible among us reveal the masks we create, when all we really want is to be understood.

"Domestic Movies" by Manny Farber

"Domestic Movies" by Manny Farber